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BIAFRA, KANU AND NIGERIA

Senator Enyinaya Abaribe

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~Sen. Enyinaya Abaribe

Enyinnaya Abaribe, is a Nigerian Senator representing Abia South Senatorial District who signed the bail bond for the release of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu when the later was incarcerated. Recently in Mississippi, USA, he delivered a speech on Igbos and Nigeria. Every Igbo who is concerned about the present state of the Igbo man, and the future of our people should see this as a must read. We invite you to read as presented below:

What I will say here today may come as a surprise to many of you. For those that I will rub the wrong way, I apologize in advance.

However, “NDIGBO si na owu onye nke mmadu na ghu ya ahu na agbata ukwu”. If I fail to say the truth about the existential challenges that we face today in our country Nigeria, and how we believe we should face them, then I would not be true to myself and to you who sent me to represent you in the red chamber.

From the Past to Today

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1970

We can situate our position today following the end of the civil war in 1970. Igbo’s in 1970 were impoverished having lost an estimated 3 Million Igbo souls in the war, with a ruined and destroyed landscape and infrastructure. Every Igbo man/woman with savings in the banks before the outbreak of hostilities were pauperized as the military government decreed that one would only get 20 pounds notwithstanding the amount you had. The indigenization decree was passed in 1972 and no Igbo could participate since all had been reduced to penury.

2017

Today the Igbo have the largest pool of educated Nigerians. In 2007, Imo State had more subscribers to the JAMB UTME exams than the 19 Northern States put together. In 2017, 56% of of NYSC members are from the South East. Our feat in education means that we now have the army to win the war of competition in a market driven economy. Since 1999, the south east states have been the best in all exams.

The largest group of direct domestic investors in Nigeria are from the south east. Igbo investments in property in Abuja alone probably has more than any other ethnic group. We are the most travelled in Nigeria. In all parts of Nigeria after the indigenous population, Igbo’s are the next largest group. We are the largest propertied class of all ethnic groups in Nigeria and despite all this confusion, we have grown the most economically since the inception of the current democracy in Nigeria. We have the richest and largest pool of Nigeria diaspora population.

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Taking an example of Lagos state, Ndigbo form a large proportion of the economy of the state. We created the following from nothing;
Computer Village in Ikeja. Ladipo Spare Parts market. Alaba Electronic Market. Balogun Int’l Market.
Balogun (Trade Fair) International Market. Aspamda market in Festac.
Orile Market for house fittings & appliances etc.

All second hand clothing markets in Lagos. About 4 markets. The combined turnover daily of these markets run into billions daily. Lagos state benefits by collecting taxes and now its economy contributes 56% of all VAT collected in Nigeria. Above scenario is replicated in most big cities in Nigeria. Go to Kano, Port Harcourt, Benin City, Kaduna, Sokoto, not to talk of Abuja. Ndigbo are very large players in the economy of all parts of Nigeria. I will return to this.

*The ALLURE of BIAFRA*

So the question is, given all the advantages that we as Ndigbo have in Nigeria, why the clamour by our youths and others for a separate state of Biafra?

The present agitation in the South East for a sovereign state of Biafra seems very tempting under the prevailing circumstance given the manifest sectional approach to governance at the center. To some especially the youth and the disadvantaged it is the way to go and when viewed critically you cannot help but to agree with the agitators. Of a truth there is an obvious feeling of alienation within the Nigerian state today. But has this always been the case? Apart from the civil war and the pernicious policies of the military regimes, we have not fared badly during civil rule until presently.

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Given that following the civil war, there seemed to have been a glass ceiling in certain professions in Nigeria where it looked as if Igbo should not aspire to. In the police, military etc. But we can posit this as the lingering effects of the war where the victor in a war finds it very difficult to fully integrate the other party they fought with into all areas. In the US for example, I understand that it took a very long time for someone from the southern part of the US several decades after the civil war which they lost to break the stranglehold of the north for the presidency of the US. (Correct me if I’m wrong).

But come to think of it, Dr Alex Ekwueme became the Vice President of Nigeria barely 9 years after the civil war. The glass ceiling was on its way to being broken! The military interregnum from 1993 led by the same Muhammadu Buhari put a hold on this. In the US, Germany, Japan and other climes deliberate policies were used by governments to build stronger ties among groups and opposing tendencies. This helped to forge a bond within their nations. Nigeria seemed to think that a policy of benign neglect will resolve our problems. Of course it didn’t and that’s why we are seeing a resurgence of separatist agitation going on all over the country.

Fast forward to the civil rule era starting from 1999. Nobody would accuse Presidents Obasanjo, late Yar’adua, or Jonathan of what seemed like sectionalism as state policy. A look at the pattern of appointments by President Obasanjo evinced the fact of an all inclusive government from all parts of the country. Same as President Yar’adua. President Jonathan took it a step further by appointing the first Igbo chief of army staff, first Igbo secretary to the federal government, coordinating minister for the economy etc. In fact, one of the criticisms we face today in Nigeria is to explain why should this agitation for separation be under President Buhari when it was not done under the previous administration? However, that criticism is not true. Recall that under President Obasanjo and Yar’adua there was Massob which was managed much better than today.

However, you will recall that when this government came into place, President Buhari went to the US where he made a most unfortunate statement that was widely condemned at that time. He reportedly said that he doesn’t need to bother about the 5% that didn’t vote for him but will rather concern himself with the 97% that voted for him. I had at the time the statement was made raised concern that such declaration from an elected President sounds discriminatory and may create the impression that our elected President Buhari is sending a message to those who didn’t vote for him that he will be partial in his decision making. Unfortunately, it seems also that the people who are in and around the president didn’t advise him properly.

They left him to make appointments and take decisions that gave the impression that there are some parts of the country that are not supposed to be part of Nigeria. Little wonder that our youths feeling left out and not having anything to give them hope in Nigeria, started believing that a separate country would be better. But I say it is NOT. I will come to this later.

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I recall that in November of 2016, after seeing how things were going, the South East caucus of the Senate sought for and got an appointment with the President Buhari. Our discussion centered on the south East perception of not being part of this administration thereby giving rise to our people feeling disconnected from the government. We pointed out that it should be a cause for concern if a major part of the country is not represented in the security architecture of the country in addition to other critical sectors from the inception of the administration. We were promised that our concerns would be looked into. Sadly, this was not done till today.

Our country Nigeria is supposed to be for inclusion; for making sure that everyone makes his or her input into its affairs. Allowing such fairness and equity to prevail in a plural society like ours will make us a bigger and better nation. Today that is not the case. Either as a deliberate act as it seems or a willful omission geared towards achieving a pre-determined goal, Ndigbo have been pushed to the fringes of the Nigerian Union in so many ways by the present government. The unfortunate scenario is enough for one to ask the hypothetical question….why am I here?

WHAT ALTERNATIVES

As much as the music of separatism stirs the soul, one must ask the question; Is relapsing into a sovereign state of Biafra the optimum option or is it a restructuring of the state such that all the federating units would have greater autonomy in the mould of a near quasi self determination the better option? When these two options are posed; a sovereign state of Biafra or restructured Nigeria, the position of most Nigerians as of today is for the latter.

Apart from the problem of even determining the boundaries of the state of Biafra and the multifarious and multifaceted problems a simplistic solution such as Biafra poses, perhaps it makes more sense for those who have tasted war to be a little more discerning when matters affecting their race comes up in Nigeria. Nigerians have been known to come together to use the Igbo head to break coconuts (apologies to late Abiola). Despite the problems that befell the Yoruba race following the annulment of the June 12 elections, they didn’t seek to break out out of Nigeria despite some of them calling for an Oduduwa country. They simply used the sympathies of other Nigerians to create an economic haven for themselves which has led to massive relocation of industries by all Nigerians to Lagos and Ogun States. They also got the Presidency of Nigeria.

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Our brothers from the Niger Delta have not sought to go away either. They also got the Presidency of Nigeria. However we seem to be in the unfortunate position of seeming to drag the Niger Delta into a Biafra unwanted by them. The agitation for Biafra and how it was being prosecuted by IPOB has rather elicited hate and disdain for our people from other ethnic groups notwithstanding that they may have been nursing such tendencies. The agitation as championed by IPOB somehow gave muscle to traditional traducers of Ndigbo to spew out hate and envious vituperations. This was exemplified by the October 1st quit notice given to Igbos to leave the North by the so-called Arewa youths which persons are yet to be arrested for hate speech and breaching the law. They claimed to be responding to our own hate speeches etc.

Indeed, other people seem to want to see us fall into the trap for them to use us to solve their own problems with Nigeria. That notwithstanding, we as political leaders from the South East were unequivocal in asserting that that the rights of Ndigbo to peaceful and democratic engagements must be respected. On this score we made it clear that no amount of threat will cow Ndigbo from consistently demanding for an equitable, fair and just society within the Nigerian State. We also cautioned our youths on their vituperative calls and employed the Igbo concept of “bu uzo chu fuo Ufu, tutu ta wa Okuko uta”! This of course was misunderstood by other Nigerians as support rather than constructive engagement.

WHY NOT BIAFRA?

We believe that the best way to go given our situation today is to look before we leap. We must not be pushed to abandon our huge contribution to the modern Nigerian state. As we pointed out in the beginning of this paper, Ndigbo have been the single ethnic group that have welded the country Nigeria together given our way of life as sojourners everywhere in Nigeria, West Africa, Africa and the world. I dare say that we make up to 50% or more of Nigerians in the US. The question is why would we look to confine ourselves to a small landlocked entity when we have the whole of Nigeria to cavort in?

I have deliberately left out of this discussion the practical impossibility of even getting our brothers from the Niger Delta to go with us in this quest. Not to talk of the Idoma or the Kogi that we insist are part of us.
One thing seems to elude our people when these questions are posed. We look at the determination of the present government to treat us dismissively and feel that it is well nigh an impossible task to get our wish for a just society but we fail to look at the historical evidence before us.

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When the 97% vs 5% controversy erupted, I told our people that my people the Ngwa says that “Ohu afor abughi ndu ebighi ebi”. Governments come and go. PDP government lost election and quit the stage for this APC government. Who says they cannot also lose? Why are we then acting as if it’s the end of the world? The maximum any government can stay is two term totaling 8years. “Obughi ndu ebighi ebi”!

Restructuring is an idea whose time has come and it will happen.
Biafra should be a last option, only after every other avenue to realize a restructured Nigeria where every component part is allowed a measure of autonomy and self determination fails. Let me state here that if the dominant views in Nigeria is for restructuring, then that should be the minimum that Ndigbo should demand, so that every component part of this country can substantially harness its resources and develop at its own pace.

Do not forget that the breached Aburi accord was about restructuring and today this call has garnered overwhelming momentum even from quarters that hitherto opposed it. Just recently former President Ibrahim Babangida, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and lately Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and a host of others have joined the fray. Restructuring has become a singsong which we must explore vigorously. Even the ruling APC has set up a committee led by Governor el-Rufai to bring about a considered view on it. Forget the fact that it was part of their manifesto. The fact is that the discussion is on, as it should be.

I recall that in August, the Igbo political elite, Ohaneze, Governors, National Assembly Caucus met in Enugu and affirmed that the terms of our marriage in Nigeria is stifling to everybody and therefore we must have another look at it. That position has not changed but has in fact been reinforced by the agreement by other parts of Nigeria that it is time to look at the matter as evidenced by the South West Political Summit where they endorsed restructuring back to the 1963 constitution.

To me the strident calls by IPOB for a referendum should be seen as a legitimate demand to compel the state to see the urgency of having a second look at our marriage, with the ultimate aim of enthroning equity and fairness, where our people will no longer be treated as second class citizens in Nigeria. Though the methods may be misconstrued, the true colour of the agitation would have come out had there been a concerted effort at dialogue. The agitations gives fillip to the Igbo idiom…”Ma Opara emeghi nkpotu, agaghi ilughi ya Nwanyi “.

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Our people are saying this union is stifling us, and we are making a lot of noise so we can find a solution.
The solution I think can be found in a restructured Nigeria. The beauty of it is that while we can enjoy near wholesale autonomy, our people as itinerant business people could have an unrestrained space in a larger market provided by a united Nigeria.

We should not be swayed by what we think is the attraction of an exclusive opportunity to be provided by a sovereign Biafra. No. That would box us into a tiny corner which has its own challenges which would prove overwhelming as time goes on. This is a topic for another day.

DIASPORA IGBOS AND US

One of the problems those of us who attempt to show a direction to our people at home is the near universal disdain that some of our brother Ndigbo in Diaspora have for our leaders and elected representatives at home. Nowhere is it more apposite than in this matter of Biafra agitation. While some of our brothers/sisters here in the comfort of their homes seems to urge our youths through their utterances and actions to use unconstitutional means and disparage other ethnic groups that which actions seems to alienate us from our neighbors and the Nigerian State, we the leaders at home have been been left with the task of intervening in such a manner to dissuade the government from deploying the coercive instruments of state against the agitators. The aim was to stop bloodshed and waste of human lives. We have lost enough from the civil war. Those egging our youths on from here do not seem to appreciate this fact.

Most distressing is the labeling of those who disagree with their positions as “cowards, saboteurs, Hausa slaves etc”. This tends to discourage those who genuinely strive to lead our people through a very distressing period in our history as a nation.

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Nnia Nwodo as President of Ohaneze has been vilified for taking a stand for restructuring in Nigeria for Ndigbo, a position agreed by all of us in the earlier summit I referenced. Governors come in for bashing everyday. As for us legislators, we have been called all sorts of names such as ‘legislooters’ etc.

Yet, when it came to taking a stand at ground zero, to bail Kanu; to reject the Federal Government ascribing Terrorism to IPOB, we are the people doing so and we never hesitated to say that agitation in every clime is constitutional. We take the bullets from other ethnic groups and the government for standing firm and demanding that Nigerians should be left to talk to each other about the best way forward without preconditions. We would use this opportunity plead with our internet warriors who stay here in their comfort zone here that our Igbo say, “ma Opara nzuzu adighi nwuo, Opara ma izu aga beghi ibichi ezi”.

SOME FINAL THOUGHTS

Why are we not Investing at Home.

Lack of Infrastructure.

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Should we continue to blame the Federal Government for the dilapidated infrastructures in Ala Igbo? What of our home governments in Igbo States? Sam Mbakwe of blessed memory did not wait for the Federal Government before undertaking massive rebuilding of old IMO State. We think that we have not given our best to our people with the little we got.

Insecurity

Nowhere have we hurt ourselves and investment in Ala Igbo than in the insecurity pervading all parts of our homeland. Of course the latest imbroglio in Abia especially in Aba and Umuahia has worsened matters. We run the risk of undoing all the efforts made in promoting ‘made in Aba’ that we had embarked on as a catalyst for growth in Ala Igbo. Industries have relocated from Ala Igbo to other parts of Nigeria especially Lagos and Ogun States because of the very serious insecurity such as kidnappining and armed robbery faced by those who invest at home. We cannot be looking for investors and yet make our place not conducive to investment.

Unemployment

Unemployment is the single biggest problem we have in Ala Igbo today. Before this time due to our domestic investments and industry, this was not a very big problem but due to the dis-investment going on today in Ala Igbo today we are faced with a existential problem in our hand. Diaspora Igbo’s have to assist us to also invest at home despite the problems and reduce the unemployment in Ala Igbo. Once we get Ala Igbo right the frustrations that fuel the agitation in ala Igbo will be dampened. What we have playing out in the world today is a knowledge economy. Oil is going out of fashion. As I pointed out earlier, we are poised through our educational exploits in Nigeria to dominate the economy of tomorrow. Why would we turn a blind eye to this emerging scenario?

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In ending let me quote what the great son of Igbo land, the great Zik of Africa said about himself:

“Despite the mythic heights to which he was raised, Azikiwe was nothing if not pragmatic, a realist, always conscious of his limits and ever eager to extract all that was possible from that limited horizon”. May we be guided by such humble thoughts as we seek a better Nigeria for us all. What we should look for is a BIAFRA of the MIND like some have suggested in order to play our role in the emerging Nigeria that will come.

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4 Comments

4 Comments

  1. Gillis Onyeabor

    June 21, 2021 at 7:30 pm

    My favorite quotes from this.

    “Indeed, other people seem to want to see us fall into the trap for them to use us to solve their own problems with Nigeria.”

    “We cannot be looking for investors and yet make our place not conducive to investment.”

    How about filani herdsmen, our farmlands, forests, raped women snd murdered men?

    • Admin

      June 22, 2021 at 9:06 pm

      My brother Gillis you got it right. I believe that the Igbo will lead this nation but we only need to re-strategize.

    • Admin

      July 15, 2021 at 8:51 pm

      Thank you for this thought-provoking response Moe.

  2. Chijioke Ogbodo

    June 22, 2021 at 7:31 am

    A long read but very interesting. This is exactly the way to go.

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Opinion

Anioma: History, Identity, Equity, and the Quest for Statehood

Anioma people share unbroken ties with the Igbo nation in language, culture, and heritage. From the 31-year Ekwumeku Resistance War to the Asaba Massacre, Anioma has borne the price of identity with courage. Today, the demand for Anioma State is not just regional – it is a historic correction, a matter of justice, and a step towards equity in Nigeria’s federal structure.

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Anioma

By Senator Ned Nwoko Esq.

The Anioma people spread across nine Local Government Areas are geographically nestled in the Delta North senatorial district. We share a long history and rich cultural ties with the Igbos. So, we are Igbos in every sense: by language, tradition, blood, and identity.

Yet, arbitrary distortions of colonial boundaries, the tragedy of civil war, and manipulations of post-war politics and narratives have exposed Anioma to a double burden: the pain of denial and the weight of marginalisation. Yet, our spirit is unbroken.

Today, as the representative of Anioma in the 10th Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, I affirm with courage the reawakening that: Anioma is Igbo; Anioma deserves justice; and Anioma State must be created. This is not a plea. Not a supplication, it is a demand inspired by truth, fairness, and consciousness of true federalism.

Anioma before Colonial Boundaries

Anioma has always been part of the great Igbo nation; and it is our cherished heritage and reality. Our communities in Oshimili, Aniocha, Ika, and Ndokwa share ancestral trade and commerce, cultural, linguistic, and geographic bonds with the Igbo people across the Niger.

On trading characteristics, our market days are the same: Eke, Orie, Afo, and Nkwo. Similarly, our cultural affinity is undeniably intertwined as our masquerades, from Mgba to Okanga, mirror those in Onitsha, Nsukka, Awka, and Owerri.

Furthermore, linguistically, our names; Okonkwo, Nwafor, Nwanze, Odili, and Nkemdilim among others are the same nomenclatures you find across the Igbo nation. Morphologically, words such as bia (come), nua (welcome) also show profound connections and linguistic leaning between Anioma dialects (i.e. the dialects of the people of Delta North Senatorial District) and Igbo language, proving beyond doubt that Anioma people are part of the greater Igbo ethnolinguistic family.

In addition, the people of Delta North have always been variously described as Midwest Igbo, Ika Igbo, and Bendel Igbo. Even the government of Delta State, in its official ethnic classification, describes us as Igbo.

Today, we are often described as Delta Igbo, a description that reflects our location within Delta State but does not erase an incontrovertible truth that we are part of the Igbo group. So, our actuality is constant: Igbo is Igbo.

On geography, the map of Igbo land itself testifies to this reality. Asaba, Ibusa, Ogwashi-Uku, Illah, Agbor, Kwale, Aboh, Ndoni, and other Anioma communities appear firmly within the boundaries of the Igbo nation. Geography confirms what history and culture already prove: Anioma is Igbo land.

However, the British colonial administration, driven by convenience rather than culture, commerce, and not consanguinity, placed the Anioma in the Western Region while our tribesmen remained in the East. This artificial separation, erected by imperialism, became the seed of distortion, one that would later be watered by war and politics.

Anioma in the Throes of Wars

The Ekwumeku Colonial Resistance War (1883–1914)

Anioma’s history of resilience did not begin in modern times. Between 1883 and 1914, our people waged the Ekwumeku Resistance War, a guerrilla uprising against British colonialism that lasted over 31 years.

The Ekwumeku revolt staged by Anioma chiefs and able-bodied young men was a peculiar war, remarkable in strategy and awe-inspiring in scope. From Ibusa to Ogwashi-Uku, Issele-Uku to Ubulu-Uku, Anioma warriors resisted foreign domination with courage and unity. During this protracted conflict, many British soldiers and administrators were annihilated, making Anioma one of the fiercest centres of anti-colonial resistance in West Africa.

The Ekwumeku War is evidence that Anioma has never surrendered its identity, no matter the force of oppression. That a group of people armed with local weapons could wage and sustain a war for 31 long years, showed remarkable bravery and the height of nobility. A historic movement that partly laid the pathway for decolonization and the eventual independence of Nigeria.

Anioma in the Civil War and the Asaba Massacre

The Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970) harmed Anioma forever. Our land was caught in the middle, a frontier of brutal contest between Biafran forces and the federal army; and Anioma paid a heavy price.

The darkest memory remains the Asaba Massacre of October, 7, 1967. When federal troops entered Asaba, the people, dressed in white and chanting “One Nigeria”, came out seeking peace. Instead, they were rounded up. Men and boys were separated from women. In cold blood, they were executed. Hundreds were killed. With far-reaching consequences, it was a bizarre occurrence, the deadliest and most atrocious manifestation of the Nigerian civil war.

Historians like Elizabeth Bird and Fraser Ottanelli have documented how this was not just mass murder but an attempt at ethnic cleansing to punish the Anioma for being Igbo. Families were wiped out and entire lineages destroyed. A premeditated slaughter of innocent Anioma civilians and the trauma continues to echo in the hearts of our people.

Beyond Asaba, Anioma communities also suffered untold horrors. In Isheagu, Kwale, and several Ndokwa towns and villages, federal troops carried out brutal reprisals. Homes were burned, women were assaulted, young men were executed and communities were left in ruins.

Towns like Ibusa, Ogwashi-Uku, Issele-Uku, Ubulu-Uku, and many others across Aniocha, Oshimili, Ika, and Ndokwa bore the weight of this tragedy. Anioma bled not because of its geography, but because of its identity: Igbo.

Equity and Anioma Quest for Statehood

The creation of Anioma State is not just a regional demand; it is both a historic correction and a political necessity. So, it is a matter of national justice. The South-East is the only zone with five states, while others have six or seven. This imbalance translates into fewer senators, fewer representatives, fewer local governments, and less federal allocation. Anioma, as an Igbo homeland west of the Niger, is the natural candidate to correct this injustice. Therefore, the creation of Anioma State will fulfil Nigeria’s promise of equity and fairness.

Anioma State will not divide Nigeria; it will strengthen it. It will not isolate Anioma; it will integrate the Delta North Senatorial District fully into the federation. It will reinforce its Igbo lineage and identity; and affirm it on Nigeria’s map.

My Stand

Anioma people are not to be erased or silenced; rather they are to be recognised, celebrated, and established. Anioma people deserve a state; Anioma State is the future and the time is now.

As Senator representing Delta North, I state it clearly that: I support the creation of Anioma State; and it is not a privilege to be begged for, but a right long denied and justice long delayed.

Again, my quest for ANIOMA is not personal or political. The sustained marginalisation of Anioma people and the struggle for self-identity since colonial times rekindled my agitation for the creation of the Anioma state.

It is a stoic desire for a new dawn of Anioma renaissance.

• Senator Prince Ned Munir Nwoko,
Senator representing Delta North,
10th Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

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Opinion

Suppressing Free Expression in the Name of Discipline is a Threat to Democracy ~ Opinion

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Student nurses. (Photo credit: unknown)

In democratic societies, the right to freedom of expression is sacrosanct, protected by law, and recognized as a fundamental human right. Yet, in Nigeria, cases of government agencies and institutions infringing upon this right continue to emerge with alarming frequency. The recent case of Nurse Osato Edobor, a student at the Delta State College of Nursing Sciences, is yet another troubling example of this overreach.

The school’s query, issued on March 27, 2025, accuses Nurse Edobor of a “malicious act” simply for recording and sharing a video of the First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, at a public event. The document claims that this act- singing along to a song and posting it on TikTok – violates disciplinary rules and could warrant punitive action. But how does recording and sharing a public event constitute a legal or ethical offence? The attempt to frame such an innocent act as misconduct is nothing but an overzealous attempt at censorship—one that threatens to set a dangerous precedent.

Freedom of Expression is a Global Standard

Internationally, freedom of expression is a protected right. Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) guarantees that “everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression,” including the right to “seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” The European Court of Human Rights has repeatedly ruled against state-backed efforts to stifle public expression, emphasizing that freedom of speech extends to content that may be inconvenient or uncomfortable to those in power.

In the United States, the First Amendment protects individuals from government overreach in matters of speech and expression. Similarly, in the United Kingdom, courts have ruled that public institutions must act proportionally when enforcing rules that affect freedom of speech, ensuring that discipline does not infringe on fundamental rights. Even in African democracies like South Africa and Ghana, legal frameworks exist to protect citizens from arbitrary disciplinary measures for merely expressing themselves in public forums.

If these countries, with advanced legal systems, recognize that individual freedoms must not be sacrificed in the name of institutional discipline, why should Nigeria—a signatory to international human rights treaties—allow such an egregious attack on personal liberties?

The Dangerous Path of Institutional Overreach

The actions of the Delta State College of Nursing Sciences are not just an isolated case of administrative excess; they represent a growing pattern of authoritarianism within Nigeria’s educational and governmental institutions. The reasoning behind this query suggests that public employees and students must adhere to an unspoken culture of silence and servitude—where even harmless actions can be interpreted as subversion.

This is sycophancy in overdrive. The query states that Nurse Edobor was “found to be engaged in a malicious act of recording/singing and posting unofficial response to a song.” Malicious act? How does recording a First Lady’s arrival—at a public event—amount to a punishable offense? The claim that this act violated the student handbook is a textbook example of vague, arbitrary rules being weaponized to stifle personal freedoms.

If this continues unchecked, the consequences could be dire. Public servants and students alike will become increasingly fearful of expressing themselves, even in harmless ways. This fosters an environment where only the most sycophantic voices thrive – stifling creativity, engagement, and even legitimate discourse on national issues.

The query from the school aauthority 

National Consequences of Silence

Suppressing free expression in schools and public institutions does more than harm individuals; it erodes trust in governance. When people feel they cannot freely express themselves without facing punitive measures, they withdraw from public discourse. This leads to an environment where constructive criticism, necessary for democracy’s health, is drowned out by fear and compliance.

Moreover, such institutional overreach can foster resentment and disillusionment among the youth. At a time when Nigeria is grappling with brain drain and the mass exodus of skilled professionals, it is reckless to stifle young people’s voices instead of empowering them. Many students and professionals already feel suffocated by a system that values hierarchy over talent. This kind of suppression only accelerates their disconnection from national affairs, pushing them to seek better opportunities in countries that value their rights.

Calling for Sanity and Legal Prudence

The Provost of the Delta State College of Nursing Sciences, Mrs. Evbodaghe Rita Ogonne, must reconsider the institution’s approach to discipline. If the objective is to maintain decorum and professionalism, there are far more reasonable ways to engage students without trampling on their rights. The authorities must understand that public events, especially those involving political figures, are inherently of public interest. Recording and sharing such events should never be considered misconduct.

Moreover, this incident should serve as a wake-up call for Nigerian lawmakers and human rights advocates. There must be clear and enforceable legal protections against arbitrary disciplinary actions by government institutions. Institutions should not be allowed to cite vague rules as an excuse to suppress lawful expression.

The case of Nurse Osato Edobor is not just about one student facing an unfair query—it is about the broader struggle for free speech in Nigeria. If we fail to speak against this growing trend now, we risk normalizing a culture where silence is the only safe option. And in such a culture, democracy itself is at risk. GMTNewsng

 

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Opinion

Mbah: Celebrating the Poster Boy of Good Governance in Nigeria at 53

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Gov. Peter Mbah

Samson Ezea

By this time last year, Enugu State Governor, Barr. Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, marked his first birthday as Governor of Enugu State without fanfare. He was 52 then. Today, at 53, Governor Mbah exudes confidence, articulation, and a clear sense of purpose in his governance of Enugu State.

It is evident that the people of Enugu State and beyond are not merely celebrating the personality of Barr. Peter Ndubuisi Mbah today. No, they have done so many times before. What they are truly celebrating are the unprecedented, transformative projects and policies he has implemented in less than two years, reshaping the state’s developmental landscape, restoring its lost glory, and making it an attractive destination for investors.

It is for these reasons and more that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, earlier this year, defied expectations and made his first official visit outside Abuja to Enugu State. The visit was to witness and commission the legacy, people-oriented projects of Governor Mbah’s administration- projects that have gained national and global attention.

President Tinubu did not only commend Governor Mbah but assured Ndi Enugu that in Mbah, they have a leader shaping their present and securing a better future for them and all Nigerians.

Across Enugu State, evidence abounds of how Governor Mbah has introduced innovative governance and delivered democracy dividends in ways that have surprised, inspired, and earned him widespread commendation.

Describing Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah – an accomplished maritime lawyer, financial analyst, public servant, oil magnate, and renowned entrepreneur – as a rare breed is not an overstatement. His journey, marked by hard work, focus, and divine grace, has positioned him as an exemplary leader at 53.

At a relatively young age, Mbah found himself in the corridors of power, serving as Chief of Staff to the Governor and later as Commissioner for Finance. He handled these roles with distinction, avoiding the allure of power that often consumes many in public office.

Unlike the typical Nigerian politician who clings to government circles, lobbying for positions, contracts, and patronage, Mbah quietly exited politics after his tenure in the Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani administration. He returned to Lagos, where he had previously been, in search of business opportunities.

Starting modestly in a small studio office in Victoria Island, he founded Pinnacle Oil and Gas Nigeria Limited. With determination and strategic foresight, Mbah transformed the company from a few retail filling stations to a global player in the competitive downstream oil sector. His vision materialized in the form of Africa’s largest tank farm at the Lekki Free Trade Zone, a milestone project commissioned by President Muhammadu Buhari in October 2022 to national and international acclaim.

Mbah’s success with Pinnacle Oil and Gas is a testament to his business acumen, and it would not be surprising if his strategies become a case study in the global oil industry and entrepreneurial circles in the coming years. His ability to achieve such remarkable feats, despite a brief stint in politics and no prior major stake in the oil industry, underscores his ingenuity.

Thus, when Mbah re-entered the political arena in 2022 to contest for the governorship of Enugu State under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), his candidacy unsettled his opponents. His entry into the race changed the political equation, as he emerged as the most formidable candidate, towering above his peers before, during, and after the primaries and election.

Despite the intense political struggles, intrigues, and mudslinging on social media, Mbah remained undeterred, confident, and focused. He refused to be distracted by the smear campaigns orchestrated by opponents. Instead, he remained steadfast, keeping his eyes on the ultimate goal. His victory at the polls did not come easy, but by the grace of God, he now sits as the Governor of Enugu State.

At 53, and less than two years into his tenure, Mbah has introduced a governance model anchored on disruptive innovation, driven by a sense of urgency to achieve results. He has redefined Enugu’s governance, politics, and developmental structure, leveraging his experience from both the public and private sectors. Through his administration’s sweeping interventions in various sectors, he is methodically building the Enugu of the people’s dreams.

One of his early achievements was the swift termination of the IPOB-enforced Monday sit-at-home order, ensuring that businesses and economic activities could resume fully. He also repositioned the state’s security architecture to enhance peace and safety. Under his leadership, Enugu has become a massive construction site, with completed and ongoing projects in roads, healthcare, and smart school initiatives.

Some of the completed projects set to boost the state’s economy include the long-abandoned International Conference Centre and modern transport terminals at Holy Ghost, Nsukka, Abakpa, and Awkunanaw.

Beyond infrastructure, Mbah’s administration is driving transformative reforms across agriculture, housing, SMEs, tourism, health, water supply, ICT, civil service, environment, sports, and transportation. These initiatives are laying the foundation for Enugu’s economic elevation in both the immediate and long-term future.

Unlike previous administrations where politics overshadowed governance, Mbah has reversed the trend. Today, good governance, infrastructural development, and tangible democracy dividends take precedence. There is a paradigm shift in leadership recruitment and governance style, reshaping the political landscape of the state.

For Governor Mbah, good governance is the best form of politics. He has demonstrated this by prioritizing developmental projects, particularly road constructions in long-neglected suburbs such as Abakpa, Emene, Obiagu, Camp, Awkunanaw, Ugwuaji, and Agbani Road.

At 53, Governor Mbah has proven to Ndi Enugu that electing him was not a mistake. His actions and policies reassure the people that their trust in him was well placed. While the road ahead may not be easy, there is a clear light at the end of the tunnel, signaling that governance in Enugu will no longer be business as usual.

It is indeed worth celebrating that at 53, Governor Mbah has etched his name in gold, leaving indelible footprints in Enugu’s development trajectory. His relentless drive to create wealth and render selfless service to humanity continues to inspire.

A jinx breaker, an award-winning entrepreneur, and a transformational leader, Governor Mbah is on a mission to build a new Enugu that meets international standards and earns global economic recognition.

So, to the game-changer, the poster boy of good governance, the tech-savvy financial analyst, the digital governor, and a visionary leader of our time – we say: Ride on! Happy Birthday to the disruptive innovator, the outstanding personality, the goal-getter, the Anukaenyi of Owo, and The Sun Newspaper’s Governor of the Year 2023.

Ezea is former Special Adviser on Media to Chief Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi former Enugu State Governor, he wrote in from Lagos

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